Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social condition that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United State have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as “solitary” and “individual theorists” were in reality connected to a movement — utopian socialism — which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated in the first women’s rights conference held at Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United States requires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism.

The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group’s contribution to early socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern of Saint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents’ energy; hence, by ignoring its feminism, European historians have misunderstood Saint-Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideas can be traced to saint-simonianism European historians’ appreciation of later feminism in France and the United States remained limited.

Saint-Simon’s followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation of his project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. The new world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their utopia.

Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believe that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life.

1. It can be inferred that the author consider those historians who describe early feminists in the United States as “solitary” to be

[A] insufficiently familiar with the international origins of nineteenth-century American feminist thought.

[B] overly concerned with the regional diversity of feminist ideas in the period before 1848.

[C] not focused narrowly enough in their geographical scope.

[D] insufficiently aware of the ideological consequences of the Seneca Falls conference.

2. The author’s attitude toward European historians who have studied the Saint-Simonians is primarily one of

[A] approval of the specific focus of their research.

[B] disapproval of their lack of attention to the issue that absorbed most of the Saint-Simonians’ energy after 1832.

[C] approval of their general focus on social conditions.

[D] disapproval of their lack of attention to links between the Saint-Simonians and their American counterparts.

3. The author mentions all of the following as characteristic of the Saint-Simonians EXCEPT

[A] The group included many women among its members.

[B] The group believed in a world that would be characterized by sexual equality.

[C] The group was among the earliest European socialist groups.

[D] Most members believed that women and men were inherently similar in ability and character.

4. It can be inferred from the text that the Saint-Simonians envisioned a utopian society having which of the following characteristics?

[A] It would be worldwide.

[B] It would emphasize dogmatic religious principles.

[C] It would most influence the United States.

[D] It would have armies composed of women rather than of men.

5. According to the text, which of the following would be the most accurate description of the society envisioned by most Saint-Simonians?

[A] A society in which women were highly regarded for their extensive education.

[B] A society in which the two genders played complementary roles and had equal status.

[C] A society in which women did not enter public life.

[D] A social order in which a body of men and women would rule together on the basis of their spiritual power.

1. 【答案】A

【考点解析】本题是一道标点符号题。通过本题题干中的“solitary”一词可将本题的答案信息中心确定在第一段第十行即第一段第四句话，通过仔细阅读和理解本句话以及本句前后的两句话，可以得出本题的正确选项A。其实美国的女权主义运动者并不“孤单”(solitary)，因为她们的思想和行动是和欧洲大陆的女权主义者有着千丝万缕的联系，是国际女权运动的一部分。考生在解题时要善于理解标点符号，更要善于对原文的细节进行推导。

2. 【答案】B

【考点解析】本题是一道细节推导题。根据本题题干中的“European historians”可将本题的答案信息来源迅速确定在第二段第四句，通过阅读本句分号前后的内容，可以推导出作者的态度是否定的，其否定原因是第二段第四句分号前半部分所表达的内容。本题的正确答案应该是B。考生在解题时一定要注意原文细节的推导，尤其是分句之间存在因果关系的时候。

3. 【答案】D

【考点解析】这是一道归纳推导题。但是本题的题干确没有明确给出本题在原文中的准确信息来源。这时考生就会迷失答题思路。请同学们一定要记住：每当自己迷失答题思路时，一定要多想一想全文的中心主旨句和每段的主题句，这会帮助考生寻找到解题的思路。本题的正确答案应该是D，因为选项D所表达的内容和本文尾段第一、二句所表达的内容相反。选项A、B、C的内容分别在第三段第一句、第三段第二句以及第二段首句涉及。考生在解题时一定要牢记段落主题句。

4. 【答案】A

【考点解析】这是一道审题定位题。从本题题干中的“envisioned”(设想，预想)一词可将本题的答案信息来源迅速确定在倒数第二段第一句和第二句，因为倒数第二段第一句含有“project”(计划，规划)一词，倒数第二段第二句含有表示未来的“would”一词。通过仔细阅读倒数第二段的第一、二句话，发现这两句话都包含“globe”或“world”，可见本题的正确选项应该是A。考生在解题时一定要善于利用题干中的词语迅速而准确地进行审题定位。

5. 【答案】B

【考点解析】这是一道反推题。通过本题题干中的“most Saint-Simonians”可将本题的答案信息来源迅速确定在尾段的第一句。根据尾段第一句进行反推即逆向思维，可得出本题的正确答案是B。考生在解题时一定要时时牢记反推题型，并且经常利用自己的逆向思维能力。

[参考译文]

研究美国历史的学者，在试图辨别那些促进了女权主义运动崛起的环境时全面地调查了美国在十九世纪中叶影响着妇女地位的经济和社会状况。然而这些史学家没能充分地分析同一时期具体的女权主义思想和活动的发展。除此以外，美国女权主义在意识形态上的起源一直被掩盖着。这是因为，即使史学家考虑到了美国国内的女权主义思潮和运动的发展，他们却没能认识到女权主义在当时是一场真正的国际运动，而其中心在欧洲。有的美国女权主义活动家被描述成“孤寂的”和“各自为营的”理论家，而实际上她们与某个运动——乌托邦社会主义运动联系密切，而该项运动早就在此二十年里在欧洲普及女权社会主义思想，1848年在纽约塞尼卡瀑布召开的第一届女权大会使这一运动到达了顶点。因此，为了更加全面地理解十九世纪美国女权主义的起源和发展，就必须把研究的地域范围拓宽到包括欧洲;而且在对社会状况进行了细致的研究的基础上，把研究范围拓宽到包括女权主义运动的意识形态发展状况。

最早的和最盛行的乌托邦社会主义者是圣一西门主义者。然而，圣一西门主义中特定的女权主义部分，较之该团体对早期社会主义的贡献，没有得到充分的研究。这一遗憾体现在两个方面：到1832年，女权主义已经成为圣一西门学说的焦点，并完全吸引了其追随者的全部精力，因此，欧洲史学家忽略了其女权主义内容，便误解了圣一西门主义。除此以外，由于许多女权主义思想可上溯到圣一西门主义;故而欧洲史学家对后起的法国美国女权主义的褒扬就显得十分偏狭了。

圣一西门的追随者，他们中有许多人都是女性，将女权主义思想建立在对圣一西门以精神力量的统治代替野蛮力量，从而改组全球这一方案的解释上。世界新秩序将由代表理性反思的男性和代表情感的女性共同统治。这种互补性反映了这样一个事实：虽然圣一西门主义者不否认男女之间存在先天差异这一信条，但他们仍为两种性别在乌托邦中预先安排下了同等重要的社会及政治地位。

只有少数的圣一西门主义者反对在承认性别差异的前提下对男女平等加以的定义。这些少数派相信，不同性别的个体生来具有相同的能力和性格，因此他们将男女差异归因于社会分工和教育。但是，这两股思潮所预想的共同结果是，在新时代中，女性会涉足到公共生活中来，而男女平等将改善人们的生活方式，从而同时造福于所有的男人和女人。